What's next for Gaza?
Context: 6 videos
OPINION
ISRAEL-HAMAS WAR
'The Israeli government is resolutely pursuing its nationalist and annexationist project'
OP-ED
Nitzan Perelman

Not without cynicism, Benjamin Netanyahu's government has used the October 7 terrorist attack to expand and widen the Jewish presence 'from the sea to the Jordan,' writes sociologist Nitzan Perelman.

Published yesterday at 12:05 pm (Paris) Time to4 min.
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With all eyes on Gaza, where, after the exhausting release of the hostages, the Israeli offensive has resumed, causing over 19,400 deaths according to the OCHA (United Nations Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs), the government is resolutely pursuing its nationalist and annexationist project. After the government’s appointment in December 2022 - the most right-wing and supremacist Israel has ever seen – it has introduced major reforms to the civil service, the judiciary, and settlement policy.

Following the Hamas attack on October 7, it sought to "seize the opportunity" to advance its goals of territorial expansion and the enlargement of the Jewish presence "from the sea to the Jordan" [from the Mediterranean Sea to the Jordan River].

It’s in this context that the rhetoric of "return to Gaza" gains unprecedented legitimacy. The controversial "disengagement" plan was implemented under the government of Ariel Sharon in 2005. Even though Sharon was a key supporter of the settler movement, he ordered the destruction of the Gush Katif settlement bloc in the Gaza Strip and four other Israeli settlements in the West Bank. Within the Israeli nationalist camp, the disengagement plan was regarded as a profound trauma. It was considered a betrayal by the prime minister and a mistake that must be rectified.

Since October 26, Israel's ground operation in Gaza has seemed to offer the perfect opportunity. Many government ministers are calling for the invasion and occupation of Gaza, along with the building of large new settlements. On top of this, a large part of Israeli society is also in favor of this idea: according to a poll by Israel's Channel 12, 44% of Israelis support the rebuilding of settlements, while 39% oppose it.

'Arab-free security zones'
Though many people don't know it yet, a few months ago, Israeli Parliament made it legally possible [to have "Arab-free security zones."] A law passed by MPs on March 21 put an end to the disengagement plan and allowed for the reconstruction of settlements in the territory concerned, the four West Bank settlements and the Gaza Strip. While the authorizing of a "return to Gaza" seemed purely symbolic, that same day, Orit Strock, minister of settlements and national missions, stated to a radical right-wing media outlet that, "The return to the Gaza Strip will involve many victims, unfortunately (...) but there is no doubt that in the end it’s part of Israel and that the day will come when we will return there." Her words seem even more pertinent given today's situation.

It's not only the Gaza Strip that’s experiencing settlement expansion but also the West Bank. Minister of Finance Bezalel Smotrich has called for "lessons learned from October 7" to be applied in the West Bank by creating "Arab-free security zones" around each settlement. In other words, they want to expand their territory. While his request hasn’t yet been implemented, settlers and the army are putting it into practice, threatening Palestinians with weapons and forcing them to leave their homes. As a result, 243 Palestinians have died, according to OCHA.
Read more Article réservé à nos abonnés Bezalel Smotrich, Israel's agent of chaos"

Israeli human rights organization B'Tselem estimates that 1,009 Palestinians were evicted from their homes in the West Bank from October 7 to November 30, with 16 communities affected. According to the Peace Now organization, Benjamin Netanyahu's government has broken records for building permits in settlements, issuing 13,000 in seven months, breaking the previous record of 12,000 for all of 2020. It has also legalized 22 outposts.

Increasing oppression
There have been other important processes taking place inside Israel since October 7. A number of projects, including the widespread distribution of weapons to Israeli citizens, are being carried out by Israel's Minister of National Security Itamar Ben-Gvir in an effort to take advantage of the anxious feeling among Israelis. Upon taking office, he promised to put 30,000 new weapons on the streets.

In just five weeks since October 7, 255,000 new applications for arms acquisitions have been submitted, according to the daily Haaretz. To achieve this, Ben Gvir has changed the criteria for obtaining weapons, so new applicants no longer need to undergo an interview, and for some, including those who have completed compulsory military service, no interview is required (50%, according to the Calcalist newspaper). Furthermore, he has been organizing weekly weapons distributions in many cities throughout the country to encourage people to apply for new permits.

Aside from these distribution initiatives, Ben Gvir plans to create 700 "ready units," made up of citizens who possess weapons that will be ready to respond in the event of an emergency. Members of the police force are concerned about this initiative, finding that the citizens are "too motivated" or there is concern about their political positions, in particular their racist tendencies towards Palestinians who are citizens of the Israel state.

It should be pointed out that, since October 7, the very same police have been closely monitoring the social media accounts of Palestinian citizens of Israel, arresting a large number of people for merely sharing, publishing or even giving a simple like to a post expressing solidarity with Gazans or criticism of the government's policies. As a result, oppression towards Gazans continues to grow and any expression of solidarity with them is regarded as treason against the state.

A careful analysis of the government's actions since October 7, as well as the attack on Gaza, is required. It seems almost cynical for the government to take advantage of chaos and fear in order to push forward projects that have been long planned, It’s important to bring these projects to light as they will have a major impact on the increasingly uncertain future of Israeli-Palestinian relations.

Nitzan Perelman is a doctoral student in sociology at the Université Paris Cité. Her work focuses on Israeli society.

Nitzan Perelman

Translation of an original article published in French on lemonde.fr; the publisher may only be liable for the French version.

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